電力事業会社の独占を廃止せよー続編 [エコノミスト記事]
イギリスの経済誌エコノミストが「日本の電力事業の独占を解体せよ」第2弾特集記事を載せました。
日本の電力、特に原発の現状について海外メディアがどのように見ているのか、われわれ日本人に参考になることがいろいろと書かれています。
第1弾の時の記事よりも、より具体的により鋭く日本の電力行政について指摘しています。その分、記事の量も多くなっています。
では、さっそく内容を見ていきます。
「官民一体となった涙ぐましい節電対策」
Since the disaster, Japanese people have made heroic efforts to save energy. Households snuffed out lights and unplugged their heated toilet seats. Big companies reduced their energy use by 15% (on pain of fines). Many began the workday earlier or switched to night shifts. The car industry took Thursdays and Fridays off and toiled at weekends, when electricity demand is lower.
「原発事故発生以来、日本人は節電に向けて涙ぐましい努力を重ねてきた。一般家庭では、照明を消したり、暖房便座の電源を抜いたりした。大企業では、社内での使用電力を１５パーセント削減したりしたりした(違反のには罰金)。勤務時間を早めたり、夜間に勤務したりする企業も多かった。自動車産業では、木曜日と金曜日を休みにして、電力需要が平日よりも少ない週末に就業したりした。」
◆こうした国民の節電対策の協力により、日本は一度も停電になることなく、この厳しい夏を乗り越えることができた。しかし、問題はこれからで、日本の電力事情には解決しなければならない様々な難問が山積している。
「１０社独占による弊害」
原発事故対応のまずさから会社の信用を一気に失うことになってしまった東京電力を含めて、日本には電力事業を独占している会社が１０社ある。この１０社独占による弊害がいろいろと出てきている。
◆「高い電気料金と定額制料金」
Electricity prices are high because the monopolies have little incentive to cut costs. On the contrary, their profit margins are fixed by the government, so if they inflate their costs, they boost their income. At the same time, the utilities charge residential consumers a flat rate, giving them no incentive to run appliances during off-peak hours.
「電力料金が高いのは、独占電力企業にはコストを削減しようという姿勢がほとんどないからである。それどころか、利益率は国によって固定化されており、コストを増やすようにすれば、収益も増やすことが出来るのだ。同時に、家庭用の電気料金を定額制にしているため、一般の消費者はピーク時以外の時間に家電製品をつかってみようという気にはならないのだ。」
◆「他国より高い電気料金」
◆「独占体制を解体せよ」
Reformers urge the break-up of Japan’s power monopolies. Separating generation from transmission and opening the door to new entrants would raise efficiency and reduce costs. However, Keidanren, the lobby for big business, opposes deregulation on the ground that TEPCO and its ilk ensure a stable supply of electricity.
「電気事業の改革派は、電力会社の地域独占を強く求めている。発電と送電を分離して、新規参入事業者に門戸を開放すれば、電気事業の効率を高めてコストを削減することが出来るだろう。しかし大手企業を代表する経団連は、東電やその他の電力会社のおかげて電力を安定して供給できるのだとして、電力の自由化には反対している。」
◆「改革派の担い手ー孫正義氏」
ソフトバンクの孫正義社長は、全国に大規模な太陽光発電所の建設を計画しているが、その計画に大きな壁が立ちはだかっていると話している。
A new law on green energy gives few clues as to how new producers can sell power to the grid, or whether the incumbents have to buy it.
「今回成立した再生可能エネルギー法だが、新規発電事業者が作った電力の販売方法や、既存の電力会社の購入義務などについて具体的な方法が決まっていないのだ。」
※ この記事の最後は次のように皮肉たっぷりな表現となっている。
Not even an earthquake, it seems, can shake the monopolists’ grip.
「たとえ地震が起ころうとも、日本の電力独占支配はびくともしないようだ。」
◆このエコノミストの記事、翻訳はJBpressで読むことが出来ます。
(記事の中には、会員登録をしないと全部を読むことが出来ないものもあるようです。)
◆関連サイトはこちら
電力事業会社の独占を廃止せよーその1
電力事業会社の独占を廃止せよーその2
Energy in Japan
Bright ideas needed
Japan’s power monopolies raise costs and stifle innovation
THE corridors were dark, the air uncomfortably hot. The lights at the headquarters of the
Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) were largely switched off; the air-conditioners were turned down. Even the chief executive, Toshio Nishizawa, had removed his tie for an interview on September 5th. In normal times, that would be a glaring breach of Japanese corporate etiquette, but these are not normal times.
Since the earthquake and tsunami of March 11th, most nuclear reactors in Japan have been shut down for maintenance and not restarted: 43 out of 54 remain idle. There has been a national drive for setsuden (conserving energy). TEPCO must be seen to share the pain.
The company is staggeringly unpopular. One of its nuclear plants at Fukushima was damaged on March 11th. In the crucial hours after the tsunami, TEPCO failed to add water to cool the reactor cores. It was unable to restore steady back-up power until days later and inexplicably delayed venting a build-up of pressure that eventually led to hydrogen explosions.
As if that were not bad enough, TEPCO withheld information from everyone, including the then prime minister, Naoto Kan, who stormed into its headquarters yelling: “What the hell is going on?” A meltdown began several hours after the tsunami struck, but wasn’t officially disclosed until nine weeks later. “We have lost trust,” admits Mr Nishizawa. Regaining it will take “a long, long time”, he adds.
Asked whether the reactor was damaged by the quake itself (as distinct from the tsunami that followed it), Mr Nishizawa says it is unclear: we must wait for a report in November. This question matters. If the reactors in quake-prone Japan are not quake-proof, nuclear power may not be safe. An official at a nuclear regulator says there is evidence that the quake did indeed damage the reactor.
Since the disaster, Japanese people have made heroic efforts to save energy. Households snuffed out lights and unplugged their heated toilet seats. Big companies reduced their energy use by 15% (on pain of fines). Many began the workday earlier or switched to night shifts. The car industry took Thursdays and Fridays off and toiled at weekends, when electricity demand is lower. In TEPCO’s region (around Tokyo), peak usage fell to 49 gigawatts, from 60 gigawatts last year. Everyone expected blackouts; none occurred. On September 9th, as the summer’s heat faded, the government announced an end to setsuden.
Yet Japan’s energy problems are far from resolved. If the nuclear freeze lasts for a year, it will cut GDP by an estimated 3.6% and destroy almost 200,000 jobs. Meanwhile, three-fifths of the public say they have little confidence in nuclear power.
Japan needs a robust and diverse energy industry. Instead it has ten regional monopolies (TEPCO is one), which hog 97% of the market for electricity generation and transmission. Residential consumers pay nearly twice as much as Americans and three times as much as South Koreans (see chart). After modest deregulation began for big commercial users a decade ago, prices plummeted by 16% between 1999 and 2005. Yet lacking political support, the reforms went into reverse.
Electricity prices are high because the monopolies have little incentive to cut costs. On the contrary, their profit margins are fixed by the government, so if they inflate their costs, they boost their income. At the same time, the utilities charge residential consumers a flat rate, giving them no incentive to run appliances during off-peak hours. Alternative energy gets short shrift. Although Japanese firms are leaders in green technologies such as wind, solar and geothermal, these sources account for only 1% of all power generation.
TEPCO’s influence is vast. It supports politicians from one party; its union supports their rivals. It finances academic research on energy. It takes hacks on junkets. And last year it spent ¥26 billion ($339m) on advertising and promotion—a fortune for a firm with no serious competitors.
Reformers urge the break-up of Japan’s power monopolies. Separating generation from transmission and opening the door to new entrants would raise efficiency and reduce costs. However, Keidanren, the lobby for big business, opposes deregulation on the ground that TEPCO and its ilk ensure a stable supply of electricity. Several Keidanren members sell parts and services to the power monopolies, and receive steep discounts on the power they use.
Many politicians believe that TEPCO must be preserved so it can compensate the victims of the nuclear accident at Fukushima. A law governing compensation was approved by the Diet on August 3rd. It creates a mechanism to collect funds from TEPCO and other power firms but fails to specify how the costs will be shared. On September 12th TEPCO sent out forms for evacuees to fill in. These are 60 pages long.
The new government of Yoshihiko Noda wants to reduce Japan’s reliance on nuclear power in the medium term, but hopes to restart idle reactors in the meantime. Without cheap, reliable power, businesses may move abroad.
New firms are clamouring to enter the energy business. Masayoshi Son, a wireless tycoon, plans to build huge solar-power stations and a new grid to connect Japanese prefectures. But the regulatory process is a nightmare, he says. A new law on green energy gives few clues as to how new producers can sell power to the grid, or whether the incumbents have to buy it. Not even an earthquake, it seems, can shake the monopolists’ grip.
(Sep 17th 2011)
日本の電力、特に原発の現状について海外メディアがどのように見ているのか、われわれ日本人に参考になることがいろいろと書かれています。
第1弾の時の記事よりも、より具体的により鋭く日本の電力行政について指摘しています。その分、記事の量も多くなっています。
では、さっそく内容を見ていきます。
「官民一体となった涙ぐましい節電対策」
Since the disaster, Japanese people have made heroic efforts to save energy. Households snuffed out lights and unplugged their heated toilet seats. Big companies reduced their energy use by 15% (on pain of fines). Many began the workday earlier or switched to night shifts. The car industry took Thursdays and Fridays off and toiled at weekends, when electricity demand is lower.
「原発事故発生以来、日本人は節電に向けて涙ぐましい努力を重ねてきた。一般家庭では、照明を消したり、暖房便座の電源を抜いたりした。大企業では、社内での使用電力を１５パーセント削減したりしたりした(違反のには罰金)。勤務時間を早めたり、夜間に勤務したりする企業も多かった。自動車産業では、木曜日と金曜日を休みにして、電力需要が平日よりも少ない週末に就業したりした。」
◆こうした国民の節電対策の協力により、日本は一度も停電になることなく、この厳しい夏を乗り越えることができた。しかし、問題はこれからで、日本の電力事情には解決しなければならない様々な難問が山積している。
「１０社独占による弊害」
原発事故対応のまずさから会社の信用を一気に失うことになってしまった東京電力を含めて、日本には電力事業を独占している会社が１０社ある。この１０社独占による弊害がいろいろと出てきている。
◆「高い電気料金と定額制料金」
Electricity prices are high because the monopolies have little incentive to cut costs. On the contrary, their profit margins are fixed by the government, so if they inflate their costs, they boost their income. At the same time, the utilities charge residential consumers a flat rate, giving them no incentive to run appliances during off-peak hours.
「電力料金が高いのは、独占電力企業にはコストを削減しようという姿勢がほとんどないからである。それどころか、利益率は国によって固定化されており、コストを増やすようにすれば、収益も増やすことが出来るのだ。同時に、家庭用の電気料金を定額制にしているため、一般の消費者はピーク時以外の時間に家電製品をつかってみようという気にはならないのだ。」
◆「他国より高い電気料金」
◆「独占体制を解体せよ」
Reformers urge the break-up of Japan’s power monopolies. Separating generation from transmission and opening the door to new entrants would raise efficiency and reduce costs. However, Keidanren, the lobby for big business, opposes deregulation on the ground that TEPCO and its ilk ensure a stable supply of electricity.
「電気事業の改革派は、電力会社の地域独占を強く求めている。発電と送電を分離して、新規参入事業者に門戸を開放すれば、電気事業の効率を高めてコストを削減することが出来るだろう。しかし大手企業を代表する経団連は、東電やその他の電力会社のおかげて電力を安定して供給できるのだとして、電力の自由化には反対している。」
◆「改革派の担い手ー孫正義氏」
ソフトバンクの孫正義社長は、全国に大規模な太陽光発電所の建設を計画しているが、その計画に大きな壁が立ちはだかっていると話している。
A new law on green energy gives few clues as to how new producers can sell power to the grid, or whether the incumbents have to buy it.
「今回成立した再生可能エネルギー法だが、新規発電事業者が作った電力の販売方法や、既存の電力会社の購入義務などについて具体的な方法が決まっていないのだ。」
※ この記事の最後は次のように皮肉たっぷりな表現となっている。
Not even an earthquake, it seems, can shake the monopolists’ grip.
「たとえ地震が起ころうとも、日本の電力独占支配はびくともしないようだ。」
◆このエコノミストの記事、翻訳はJBpressで読むことが出来ます。
(記事の中には、会員登録をしないと全部を読むことが出来ないものもあるようです。)
◆関連サイトはこちら
電力事業会社の独占を廃止せよーその1
電力事業会社の独占を廃止せよーその2
Energy in Japan
Bright ideas needed
Japan’s power monopolies raise costs and stifle innovation
THE corridors were dark, the air uncomfortably hot. The lights at the headquarters of the
Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) were largely switched off; the air-conditioners were turned down. Even the chief executive, Toshio Nishizawa, had removed his tie for an interview on September 5th. In normal times, that would be a glaring breach of Japanese corporate etiquette, but these are not normal times.
Since the earthquake and tsunami of March 11th, most nuclear reactors in Japan have been shut down for maintenance and not restarted: 43 out of 54 remain idle. There has been a national drive for setsuden (conserving energy). TEPCO must be seen to share the pain.
The company is staggeringly unpopular. One of its nuclear plants at Fukushima was damaged on March 11th. In the crucial hours after the tsunami, TEPCO failed to add water to cool the reactor cores. It was unable to restore steady back-up power until days later and inexplicably delayed venting a build-up of pressure that eventually led to hydrogen explosions.
As if that were not bad enough, TEPCO withheld information from everyone, including the then prime minister, Naoto Kan, who stormed into its headquarters yelling: “What the hell is going on?” A meltdown began several hours after the tsunami struck, but wasn’t officially disclosed until nine weeks later. “We have lost trust,” admits Mr Nishizawa. Regaining it will take “a long, long time”, he adds.
Asked whether the reactor was damaged by the quake itself (as distinct from the tsunami that followed it), Mr Nishizawa says it is unclear: we must wait for a report in November. This question matters. If the reactors in quake-prone Japan are not quake-proof, nuclear power may not be safe. An official at a nuclear regulator says there is evidence that the quake did indeed damage the reactor.
Since the disaster, Japanese people have made heroic efforts to save energy. Households snuffed out lights and unplugged their heated toilet seats. Big companies reduced their energy use by 15% (on pain of fines). Many began the workday earlier or switched to night shifts. The car industry took Thursdays and Fridays off and toiled at weekends, when electricity demand is lower. In TEPCO’s region (around Tokyo), peak usage fell to 49 gigawatts, from 60 gigawatts last year. Everyone expected blackouts; none occurred. On September 9th, as the summer’s heat faded, the government announced an end to setsuden.
Yet Japan’s energy problems are far from resolved. If the nuclear freeze lasts for a year, it will cut GDP by an estimated 3.6% and destroy almost 200,000 jobs. Meanwhile, three-fifths of the public say they have little confidence in nuclear power.
Japan needs a robust and diverse energy industry. Instead it has ten regional monopolies (TEPCO is one), which hog 97% of the market for electricity generation and transmission. Residential consumers pay nearly twice as much as Americans and three times as much as South Koreans (see chart). After modest deregulation began for big commercial users a decade ago, prices plummeted by 16% between 1999 and 2005. Yet lacking political support, the reforms went into reverse.
Electricity prices are high because the monopolies have little incentive to cut costs. On the contrary, their profit margins are fixed by the government, so if they inflate their costs, they boost their income. At the same time, the utilities charge residential consumers a flat rate, giving them no incentive to run appliances during off-peak hours. Alternative energy gets short shrift. Although Japanese firms are leaders in green technologies such as wind, solar and geothermal, these sources account for only 1% of all power generation.
TEPCO’s influence is vast. It supports politicians from one party; its union supports their rivals. It finances academic research on energy. It takes hacks on junkets. And last year it spent ¥26 billion ($339m) on advertising and promotion—a fortune for a firm with no serious competitors.
Reformers urge the break-up of Japan’s power monopolies. Separating generation from transmission and opening the door to new entrants would raise efficiency and reduce costs. However, Keidanren, the lobby for big business, opposes deregulation on the ground that TEPCO and its ilk ensure a stable supply of electricity. Several Keidanren members sell parts and services to the power monopolies, and receive steep discounts on the power they use.
Many politicians believe that TEPCO must be preserved so it can compensate the victims of the nuclear accident at Fukushima. A law governing compensation was approved by the Diet on August 3rd. It creates a mechanism to collect funds from TEPCO and other power firms but fails to specify how the costs will be shared. On September 12th TEPCO sent out forms for evacuees to fill in. These are 60 pages long.
The new government of Yoshihiko Noda wants to reduce Japan’s reliance on nuclear power in the medium term, but hopes to restart idle reactors in the meantime. Without cheap, reliable power, businesses may move abroad.
New firms are clamouring to enter the energy business. Masayoshi Son, a wireless tycoon, plans to build huge solar-power stations and a new grid to connect Japanese prefectures. But the regulatory process is a nightmare, he says. A new law on green energy gives few clues as to how new producers can sell power to the grid, or whether the incumbents have to buy it. Not even an earthquake, it seems, can shake the monopolists’ grip.
(Sep 17th 2011)
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