野田佳彦首相は冷めたピザ [野田佳彦内閣]
菅直人の退陣で、民主党代表、そして日本の総理大臣となった野田佳彦
この野田佳彦氏のことを米紙タイムが記事として取り上げています。
Another Slice of 'Cold Pizza'? The Man Most Likely to Lead Japan
民主党代表選での勝利後、記者の質問に耳を傾ける野田佳彦氏(2011/08/29)
この記事のタイトルにcold pizzaという語句があるのが目につきました。かつて日本の総理で「冷めたピザほどの魅力しかない」と海外メディアに言われたことのある人物がいました。故小渕恵三氏です。
「誰も食べない食卓の残り物のようで、つまらない」というような意味だそうですが、今回総理大臣となった野田氏もanother slice of cold pizzaだと表現しています。
５人の立候補者の中で、本命と目されていいなかった地味な存在の野田氏が大方の予想を裏切って党代表に選ばれたからなのでしょう。
人気度も知名度もそれほど高くはなかった野田氏が、予想外の勝利をしたことで、新たな党内の動きが出てきて、野田政権が長期化できるかどうかに影響を与えることになるという。
それは党内最大派閥を率いる小沢一郎の問題である。小沢が支持していたのは海江田万里経済産業相で野田氏ではなかったのだ。
未だに民主党は反小沢対新小沢構図に縛られていて、小沢派の動向が無視できない状況にある。
こうした状況下の中で、党代表、そして日本の総理大臣となった野田氏は、果たしてリーダーシップを発揮できるのだろうか。
テンプル大学東京校のJeff Kingstonは次のように分析している。
"He emerged as a compromise," says Jeff Kingston, Director of Asian studies at Temple University Japan. "He's not charismatic, or a populist or a good communicator, [and] not a particularly bold or visionary leader. He's sort of a 'Steady Eddy' and doesn't raise expectations that much. Maybe in the context of Japanese politics, that's the best you can hope for."
「野田氏は反小沢派と新小沢派との妥協からできた民主党代表だ。野田氏にはカリスマ性がなく、知名度もない。そしてうまく自分の考えを伝えられる能力もない。大胆で未来を見据えた政策を実行することもできない。Steady Eddyタイプの人物で、それほど大した期待には応えられないだろう。野田氏にはそんなに期待はできません」
※Steady Eddyとはどういう人物なのかよくわかりません。
野田総理の任期は２年間あるのだが、いったいどのくらい持ちこたえられるのかについては様々な意見が出ている。
民主党議員の政治顧問を担当している山本よし氏は次のように述べている。
"But among the five candidates who ran for DPJ party head I think he has the strongest leadership ability and will continue as prime minister for two more years, maybe more." Says Yoshi Yamamoto, a political advisor to DPJ congressmen: "Noda seems a bit like the former LDP prime minister Keizo Obuchi [in the 1990s], generally known internationally as a 'cold pizza,' but respected domestically by working level staffers and officials as someone who listens and rewards."
「５人の立候補者の中で、野田氏が一番強いリーダーシップを持っており、２年以上に渡って政権を維持することが出来ると思う。野田氏は元総理の小渕恵三に似たところがある。小渕氏は「冷めたピザ」で国際的に有名になった総理だが、国内では実務レベルのスタッフや官僚たちからは人の意見に耳を傾け、功績を認めてくれる人物として尊敬されていた」
小渕恵三も野田佳彦もともにジョークが大好き。ダジャレを多用する野田語録は有名。
小渕恵三が首相になったとき、海外メディアから「冷めたピザ」と言われたとき、彼はこう答えた。
「レンジでチンすれは暖かくなる。みなさんもホットでクイックな小渕ブランドのピザを売ったらどうか」
◆このジョーク、私は今でも大変気に入っています。
「駅前留学はNOVA、駅前演説はノダ」－これは野田語録の一つ
低迷する景気、膨れ上がる赤字国債、円高問題、なかなか進まない大震災からの復興、そして原発事故の問題のほかに、民主党では内紛の横行、そしてねじれ国会等ーの難問が目白押しだが、「民主党が挙党一致して国会運営を自民党と強調してやっていけるかどうかがポイントとなる」とKingston氏は語る。
Kingston氏はこの記事の最後で次のように述べて、今の日本人の気持ちを代弁している。
「(鳩山由紀夫、菅直人と２と２代続いた)短命政権への失望感が国民の間に徐々に広がりを見せて来ている。野田佳彦新総理が政治や政治家に対する国民の信頼を回復できるかどうかはわからないが、今までの政治とはほとんど違いはないだろう。今国民は、将来に対するしっかりとしたビジョンを持った小泉純一郎のような力強いリーダーが現れるのを切に待ち望んでいるのである。」
◆野田佳彦総理のおかげてこの本の人気が急上昇
![おかげさん[軽装版]](https://images-fe.ssl-images-amazon.com/images/I/519XPF0RZ7L._SL160_.jpg "おかげさん[軽装版]")
野田総理は相田氏の「どじょうがさ金魚のまねすることねんだよな」を引用し、「私は金魚ではなくドジョウですが、泥臭く国民のために汗をかく。ドジョウの政治をとことんやり抜きたい」と訴えた。
Another Slice of "Cold Pizza"? The Man Most Likely to Lead Japan
All bets are on Yoshihiko Noda to become Japan's next prime minister after he won the presidential election of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan on Monday. Noda, 54, took the majority vote in a runoff. Lawmakers in the Upper and Lower Houses of Parliament will likely give their approval for Noda's post as prime minister on Tuesday. He will then be Japan's sixth prime minister in five years.
As the present Finance Minster, Noda's win appears to reflect major concern about Japan's embattled economy. The head of the nation's most powerful branch of the bureaucracy since June 2010, Noda has overseen efforts to revive the nation's poor fiscal health. Japan is now afflicted with a debt twice the size of its economy, and the worst among the developed countries. Moody's Investor Service cut the nation's credit rating last week in light of the country's bulging debt, political instability and the lack of an established plan to stabilize the world's third largest economy.
Noda's rise reflects another development — which could affect the longevity of his premiership. He was not the candiate of the DPJ's kingmaker, the so-called Shadow Shogun, Ichiro Ozawa, who had thrown his support to Trade Minister Banri Kaieda. Ozawa, who espouses hardline attitudes toward the U.S. and China, had made a bid to come out of the shadows and contest the leadership of the party in 2010 but was defeated. Nevertheless, he still controls the party's largest faction of more than 100 lawmakers, about one-fourth the total number.
Can Noda lead? Analysts are not sanguine. "He emerged as a compromise," says Jeff Kingston, Director of Asian studies at Temple University Japan. "He's not charismatic, or a populist or a good communicator, [and] not a particularly bold or visionary leader. He's sort of a 'Steady Eddy' and doesn't raise expectations that much. Maybe in the context of Japanese politics, that's the best you can hope for."
While Noda could be filling the prime minister's seat for the next two years as DPJ elected head, opinions are mixed on how long he will actually last as prime minister. "Noda is a typical, simple, honest person but at the same time he is very stubborn," says Takao Toshikawa, editor of the political newsletter Tokyo Insideline. "But among the five candidates who ran for DPJ party head I think he has the strongest leadership ability and will continue as prime minister for two more years, maybe more." Says Yoshi Yamamoto, a political advisor to DPJ congressmen: "Noda seems a bit like the former LDP prime minister Keizo Obuchi [in the 1990s], generally known internationally as a 'cold pizza,' but respected domestically by working level staffers and officials as someone who listens and rewards."
A fiscal conservative, Noda has been a staunch supporter of hiking taxes rather than more borrowing. His win raises the possibility of a tax increase that would help fund reconstruction from the earthquake and tsunami (with an estimated cost of almost 20 trillion yen over the next five years) and pay for the nation's ballooning health and social security costs in one of the world's most rapidly aging societies.
The rising yen has also weakened the country's export-led economy. As a counter to this, Noda favors the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) as a way of liberalizing the economy, improving Japanese competitiveness abroad and opening up free trade. But this move would not be a short-term cure. Nevertheless, Takuji Okubo, chief economist at Societe Generale Securities in Tokyo told Reuters, "Of the five candidates, Noda was the best choice for Japan's economy."
The economy, however, is only one portion of a bevy of problems Noda must navigate after he takes the helm as prime minister. Besides the stagnant economy, high public debt, rising yen, slow reconstruction in the disaster-hit Tohoku region, and nuclear crisis, there is rampant infighting within the DPJ and a gridlocked Parliament. "The real problem is that Noda is being handed a poisoned chalice," says Kingston. "The key is whether the DPJ can unite and whether it can work with the opposition Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in Parliament."
"Unfortunately, 'politics with a deep grudge' remain within the DPJ," says Toshikawa. "The party will remain divided unless the bickering between the pro- and anti-Ozawa camps ends." Dubbed the kingpin of Japan's political world over the last several decades, Ozawa has been suspended from the DPJ pending a funding scandal investigation. The defeat of his candiate Kaidea may indicate a slip in the powerbroker's hold over the party. "But Ozawa will not give up," says Shinichi Nishikawa, professor of politics at Meiji University in Tokyo. "He has a lot of resources and is always ambitious."
In his victory speech Noda said, "If the Democratic Party falls apart, old politics will prevail. Let's all persevere and work hard for the good of the people, and achieve political stability."
The lack of cooperation between the DPJ and opposition parties has been the major stumbling block in getting vital bills passed in Parliament. Noda has been a proponent of a grand coalition, working with the main opposition Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). But the LDP shows no sign of wanting to cooperate. "Their strategy has been to discredit the ruling party and the prime minister by provoking legislative gridlock," says Kingston. "Cooperation would mean getting things done and that would not necessarily help the LDP."
During a post-election news conference, Noda said, "I hope to build trusting relations with the opposition parties to hold policy negotiations and ask for their cooperation. Japan can't afford a political vacuum or dissolution of the lower House. Everyone has to work together..."
But even Noda's position on the grand coalition proposal has been wavering. "[He] started toning down his intention to team up with other parties," says Yamamoto. "The biggest change [Noda] could bring is to put substance to the currently hollow phrase seiji shudo or 'policy led by politicians rather than bureaucrats.'"
Beyond domestic bickering, another challenge for Noda will be foreign policy; getting bilateral relations back on track with both China and the U.S. But Noda's policy position again appears vague. Japanese war crimes in China during World War II have not been forgotten and the issue has been the source of diplomatic flare ups. In addition, tensions between China and Japan spiked in September last year when a Chinese fishing boat collided with Japanese Coast Guard boats near the disputed Senkaku islands (which Beijing calls the Daiyu Islands). Chinese boats continue to enter the disputed waters. Noda's visits to Yasukuni Shrine may also be considered a provocative issue. The Shinto shrine is considered by some as a symbol of Japanese domination in Asia during World War II. "Noda is one of the few DPJ members to visit Yasukuni Shrine which could be criticized by China," says Toshikawa. On the American side, the U.S. military airbase in Okinawa has been a bone of contention with Japanese locals on the southern island who want to see it moved. "But Noda feels strongly about maintaining close ties with the U.S.," Toshikawa adds.
Public opinion shows growing cynicism towards the revolving door nature of Japanese politics and the country's prime ministers. "I'm not sure Noda is going to be able to restore and rebuild the government, and be able to restore popular faith in politicians. It's going to seem more of the 'same old.'" says Kingston. "People really long for the days of a bold leader like Junichiro Koizumi [LDP prime minister from 2001 to 2006] with a vision of hope who would say, 'Yes, we're all facing difficulties now but if you follow me — no pain, no gain — things will be better.'"
(Time 2011/08/29)
この野田佳彦氏のことを米紙タイムが記事として取り上げています。
Another Slice of 'Cold Pizza'? The Man Most Likely to Lead Japan
民主党代表選での勝利後、記者の質問に耳を傾ける野田佳彦氏(2011/08/29)
この記事のタイトルにcold pizzaという語句があるのが目につきました。かつて日本の総理で「冷めたピザほどの魅力しかない」と海外メディアに言われたことのある人物がいました。故小渕恵三氏です。
「誰も食べない食卓の残り物のようで、つまらない」というような意味だそうですが、今回総理大臣となった野田氏もanother slice of cold pizzaだと表現しています。
５人の立候補者の中で、本命と目されていいなかった地味な存在の野田氏が大方の予想を裏切って党代表に選ばれたからなのでしょう。
人気度も知名度もそれほど高くはなかった野田氏が、予想外の勝利をしたことで、新たな党内の動きが出てきて、野田政権が長期化できるかどうかに影響を与えることになるという。
それは党内最大派閥を率いる小沢一郎の問題である。小沢が支持していたのは海江田万里経済産業相で野田氏ではなかったのだ。
未だに民主党は反小沢対新小沢構図に縛られていて、小沢派の動向が無視できない状況にある。
こうした状況下の中で、党代表、そして日本の総理大臣となった野田氏は、果たしてリーダーシップを発揮できるのだろうか。
テンプル大学東京校のJeff Kingstonは次のように分析している。
"He emerged as a compromise," says Jeff Kingston, Director of Asian studies at Temple University Japan. "He's not charismatic, or a populist or a good communicator, [and] not a particularly bold or visionary leader. He's sort of a 'Steady Eddy' and doesn't raise expectations that much. Maybe in the context of Japanese politics, that's the best you can hope for."
「野田氏は反小沢派と新小沢派との妥協からできた民主党代表だ。野田氏にはカリスマ性がなく、知名度もない。そしてうまく自分の考えを伝えられる能力もない。大胆で未来を見据えた政策を実行することもできない。Steady Eddyタイプの人物で、それほど大した期待には応えられないだろう。野田氏にはそんなに期待はできません」
※Steady Eddyとはどういう人物なのかよくわかりません。
野田総理の任期は２年間あるのだが、いったいどのくらい持ちこたえられるのかについては様々な意見が出ている。
民主党議員の政治顧問を担当している山本よし氏は次のように述べている。
"But among the five candidates who ran for DPJ party head I think he has the strongest leadership ability and will continue as prime minister for two more years, maybe more." Says Yoshi Yamamoto, a political advisor to DPJ congressmen: "Noda seems a bit like the former LDP prime minister Keizo Obuchi [in the 1990s], generally known internationally as a 'cold pizza,' but respected domestically by working level staffers and officials as someone who listens and rewards."
「５人の立候補者の中で、野田氏が一番強いリーダーシップを持っており、２年以上に渡って政権を維持することが出来ると思う。野田氏は元総理の小渕恵三に似たところがある。小渕氏は「冷めたピザ」で国際的に有名になった総理だが、国内では実務レベルのスタッフや官僚たちからは人の意見に耳を傾け、功績を認めてくれる人物として尊敬されていた」
小渕恵三も野田佳彦もともにジョークが大好き。ダジャレを多用する野田語録は有名。
小渕恵三が首相になったとき、海外メディアから「冷めたピザ」と言われたとき、彼はこう答えた。
「レンジでチンすれは暖かくなる。みなさんもホットでクイックな小渕ブランドのピザを売ったらどうか」
◆このジョーク、私は今でも大変気に入っています。
「駅前留学はNOVA、駅前演説はノダ」－これは野田語録の一つ
低迷する景気、膨れ上がる赤字国債、円高問題、なかなか進まない大震災からの復興、そして原発事故の問題のほかに、民主党では内紛の横行、そしてねじれ国会等ーの難問が目白押しだが、「民主党が挙党一致して国会運営を自民党と強調してやっていけるかどうかがポイントとなる」とKingston氏は語る。
Kingston氏はこの記事の最後で次のように述べて、今の日本人の気持ちを代弁している。
「(鳩山由紀夫、菅直人と２と２代続いた)短命政権への失望感が国民の間に徐々に広がりを見せて来ている。野田佳彦新総理が政治や政治家に対する国民の信頼を回復できるかどうかはわからないが、今までの政治とはほとんど違いはないだろう。今国民は、将来に対するしっかりとしたビジョンを持った小泉純一郎のような力強いリーダーが現れるのを切に待ち望んでいるのである。」
◆野田佳彦総理のおかげてこの本の人気が急上昇
- 作者: 相田 みつを
- 出版社/メーカー: ダイヤモンド社
- 発売日: 2004/02/14
- メディア: 大型本
野田総理は相田氏の「どじょうがさ金魚のまねすることねんだよな」を引用し、「私は金魚ではなくドジョウですが、泥臭く国民のために汗をかく。ドジョウの政治をとことんやり抜きたい」と訴えた。
Another Slice of "Cold Pizza"? The Man Most Likely to Lead Japan
All bets are on Yoshihiko Noda to become Japan's next prime minister after he won the presidential election of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan on Monday. Noda, 54, took the majority vote in a runoff. Lawmakers in the Upper and Lower Houses of Parliament will likely give their approval for Noda's post as prime minister on Tuesday. He will then be Japan's sixth prime minister in five years.
As the present Finance Minster, Noda's win appears to reflect major concern about Japan's embattled economy. The head of the nation's most powerful branch of the bureaucracy since June 2010, Noda has overseen efforts to revive the nation's poor fiscal health. Japan is now afflicted with a debt twice the size of its economy, and the worst among the developed countries. Moody's Investor Service cut the nation's credit rating last week in light of the country's bulging debt, political instability and the lack of an established plan to stabilize the world's third largest economy.
Noda's rise reflects another development — which could affect the longevity of his premiership. He was not the candiate of the DPJ's kingmaker, the so-called Shadow Shogun, Ichiro Ozawa, who had thrown his support to Trade Minister Banri Kaieda. Ozawa, who espouses hardline attitudes toward the U.S. and China, had made a bid to come out of the shadows and contest the leadership of the party in 2010 but was defeated. Nevertheless, he still controls the party's largest faction of more than 100 lawmakers, about one-fourth the total number.
Can Noda lead? Analysts are not sanguine. "He emerged as a compromise," says Jeff Kingston, Director of Asian studies at Temple University Japan. "He's not charismatic, or a populist or a good communicator, [and] not a particularly bold or visionary leader. He's sort of a 'Steady Eddy' and doesn't raise expectations that much. Maybe in the context of Japanese politics, that's the best you can hope for."
While Noda could be filling the prime minister's seat for the next two years as DPJ elected head, opinions are mixed on how long he will actually last as prime minister. "Noda is a typical, simple, honest person but at the same time he is very stubborn," says Takao Toshikawa, editor of the political newsletter Tokyo Insideline. "But among the five candidates who ran for DPJ party head I think he has the strongest leadership ability and will continue as prime minister for two more years, maybe more." Says Yoshi Yamamoto, a political advisor to DPJ congressmen: "Noda seems a bit like the former LDP prime minister Keizo Obuchi [in the 1990s], generally known internationally as a 'cold pizza,' but respected domestically by working level staffers and officials as someone who listens and rewards."
A fiscal conservative, Noda has been a staunch supporter of hiking taxes rather than more borrowing. His win raises the possibility of a tax increase that would help fund reconstruction from the earthquake and tsunami (with an estimated cost of almost 20 trillion yen over the next five years) and pay for the nation's ballooning health and social security costs in one of the world's most rapidly aging societies.
The rising yen has also weakened the country's export-led economy. As a counter to this, Noda favors the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) as a way of liberalizing the economy, improving Japanese competitiveness abroad and opening up free trade. But this move would not be a short-term cure. Nevertheless, Takuji Okubo, chief economist at Societe Generale Securities in Tokyo told Reuters, "Of the five candidates, Noda was the best choice for Japan's economy."
The economy, however, is only one portion of a bevy of problems Noda must navigate after he takes the helm as prime minister. Besides the stagnant economy, high public debt, rising yen, slow reconstruction in the disaster-hit Tohoku region, and nuclear crisis, there is rampant infighting within the DPJ and a gridlocked Parliament. "The real problem is that Noda is being handed a poisoned chalice," says Kingston. "The key is whether the DPJ can unite and whether it can work with the opposition Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in Parliament."
"Unfortunately, 'politics with a deep grudge' remain within the DPJ," says Toshikawa. "The party will remain divided unless the bickering between the pro- and anti-Ozawa camps ends." Dubbed the kingpin of Japan's political world over the last several decades, Ozawa has been suspended from the DPJ pending a funding scandal investigation. The defeat of his candiate Kaidea may indicate a slip in the powerbroker's hold over the party. "But Ozawa will not give up," says Shinichi Nishikawa, professor of politics at Meiji University in Tokyo. "He has a lot of resources and is always ambitious."
In his victory speech Noda said, "If the Democratic Party falls apart, old politics will prevail. Let's all persevere and work hard for the good of the people, and achieve political stability."
The lack of cooperation between the DPJ and opposition parties has been the major stumbling block in getting vital bills passed in Parliament. Noda has been a proponent of a grand coalition, working with the main opposition Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). But the LDP shows no sign of wanting to cooperate. "Their strategy has been to discredit the ruling party and the prime minister by provoking legislative gridlock," says Kingston. "Cooperation would mean getting things done and that would not necessarily help the LDP."
During a post-election news conference, Noda said, "I hope to build trusting relations with the opposition parties to hold policy negotiations and ask for their cooperation. Japan can't afford a political vacuum or dissolution of the lower House. Everyone has to work together..."
But even Noda's position on the grand coalition proposal has been wavering. "[He] started toning down his intention to team up with other parties," says Yamamoto. "The biggest change [Noda] could bring is to put substance to the currently hollow phrase seiji shudo or 'policy led by politicians rather than bureaucrats.'"
Beyond domestic bickering, another challenge for Noda will be foreign policy; getting bilateral relations back on track with both China and the U.S. But Noda's policy position again appears vague. Japanese war crimes in China during World War II have not been forgotten and the issue has been the source of diplomatic flare ups. In addition, tensions between China and Japan spiked in September last year when a Chinese fishing boat collided with Japanese Coast Guard boats near the disputed Senkaku islands (which Beijing calls the Daiyu Islands). Chinese boats continue to enter the disputed waters. Noda's visits to Yasukuni Shrine may also be considered a provocative issue. The Shinto shrine is considered by some as a symbol of Japanese domination in Asia during World War II. "Noda is one of the few DPJ members to visit Yasukuni Shrine which could be criticized by China," says Toshikawa. On the American side, the U.S. military airbase in Okinawa has been a bone of contention with Japanese locals on the southern island who want to see it moved. "But Noda feels strongly about maintaining close ties with the U.S.," Toshikawa adds.
Public opinion shows growing cynicism towards the revolving door nature of Japanese politics and the country's prime ministers. "I'm not sure Noda is going to be able to restore and rebuild the government, and be able to restore popular faith in politicians. It's going to seem more of the 'same old.'" says Kingston. "People really long for the days of a bold leader like Junichiro Koizumi [LDP prime minister from 2001 to 2006] with a vision of hope who would say, 'Yes, we're all facing difficulties now but if you follow me — no pain, no gain — things will be better.'"
(Time 2011/08/29)
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